Preventing disclosure of confidential data through ChatGPT

In April 2023, reports emerged that engineers from Samsung Electronics accidentally leaked internal source code. They had uploaded it to ChatGPT, presumably as part of their input prompt to the large language model (LLM). In response to this incident, Samsung took swift action, banning employees from using popular generative artificial intelligence (GenAI) tools like ChatGPT. Additionally, the company urged employees who utilised ChatGPT and similar tools on personal devices to refrain from submitting any company-related information or personal data that could potentially unveil its intellectual property.

Furthermore, a research report released in June 2023, titled “Revealing the True GenAI Data Exposure Risk” by LayerX Security, highlighted a troubling trend. It revealed that 6% of employees had pasted sensitive data, including source code, internal business information and personal identifiable information, into GenAI tools. This concerning behaviour could inadvertently result in organisations unknowingly sharing their plans, product details, and customer data with competitors and potential attackers.

While this research primarily focused on private sector employees, I was concerned about the possibility of inadvertent sharing of sensitive official secrets with GenAI tools by civil servants and government contractors.

In light of these concerns, I raised several questions in Parliament regarding the government’s use of large language models (LLMs) owned by private or foreign companies:

a) How does the government ensure that confidential data is not disclosed in the input prompts for LLMs?

b) Whether the government has signed any non-disclosure agreements (NDAs) with these companies?

c) What are the companies that the government has signed NDAs with?

d) How does the government monitor compliance with such NDAs by these companies?

In response, Mrs. Josephine Teo, the Minister for Information and Communications, provided an explanation of the government’s approach. She assured Parliament that highly sensitive applications and data remain shielded from exposure on the Internet. For instances involving LLMs and sensitive data, open-source models may be customised for use but are strictly deployed on government servers and computers.

For less sensitive data use cases, AI models may be owned and managed by commercial and private companies. The government’s contracts with these companies include clauses pertaining to data handling and security. These clauses encompass non-retention of data and restrictions on data usage for training other products or models. She did not reveal which companies the government has signed NDAs with. She said that the government has implemented a range of technical, visual, and governance measures to ensure data security and enforce compliance. The Minister emphasised the government’s commitment to continuously reassessing the adequacy of these measures as technology evolves.

Here are the original questions raised and answers on 9 January 2024 in Parliament:

REGULATIONS ON INPUT PROMPTS FOR LARGE LANGUAGE MODELS TO PREVENT DISCLOSURE OF CONFIDENTIAL DATA

Dr Tan Wu Meng asked the Minister for Communications and Information whether the Government has plans to develop in-house artificial intelligence capabilities to ensure that input prompts for large language models need not be processed by private firms not under the purview of the Government, or by cloud computing units located in foreign territories or under foreign jurisdiction or control.

Mr Gerald Giam Yean Song asked the Minister for Communications and Information (a) when using large language models owned by private or foreign companies, how does the Government ensure that confidential data is not disclosed in the input prompts; (b) whether the Government has signed any non-disclosure agreements (NDAs) with these companies; (c) what are the companies that the Government has signed NDAs with; and (d) how does the Government monitor compliance with such NDAs by these companies.

Mrs Josephine Teo: Large language models (LLMs), such as those powering ChatGPT, have the potential to enhance the delivery of public services and the productivity of public officers. We adopt a risk-managed approach for LLMs, consistent with the existing public sector framework for the handling of classified information when using technologies such as Internet-based applications and the commercial cloud.

Highly sensitive applications and data are not exposed to the Internet. Where use cases involve sensitive data, open-source models may be finetuned for use but must be deployed on Government servers and computers.

For use cases involving less sensitive data, the artificial intelligence (AI) models may be owned and managed by commercial and private companies. Our contracts with these companies are governed by service agreements which include clauses on data handling and security, such as the non-retention of data, and limitations on the use of data to train other products or models. Beyond contractual safeguards, the Government has also implemented technical measures to screen sensitive data, visual cues to remind users on data security practices, and governance measures to enforce compliance.

We continuously re-assess the adequacy of our measures as the technology evolves.

Source: Singapore Parliament Reports (Hansard)

#ChatGPT #AI #Parliament #WorkersParty #MakingYourVoteCount

Tackling the scourge of scams

The rise of sophisticated online scams and the resulting financial devastation on victims is a critical concern impacting Singaporeans from all walks of life. Across our nation, residents, both young and old, tech-savvy and not, have fallen victim to these fraudulent schemes.

I have met constituents who have lost their life savings to scammers, with even fixed deposit accounts being cleared out by these criminals. Some have joint accounts with their children or parents, doubling the impact on families. These incidents demonstrate a concerning vulnerability that affects us all. While I consider myself relatively tech-savvy, I have to admit that even I feel the looming threat of becoming a victim one day.

Many victims I have spoken with describe a disheartening response from their banks. Upon reporting the fraud, they frequently receive responses that are frustratingly vague and non-committal. They offer little information, citing banking secrecy, and at times, a goodwill payment that doesn’t fully cover the loss. Victims are sometimes told by the police that the funds have been transferred overseas and nothing further can be done to retrieve the funds.

The technical nature of these scams is deeply concerning. “Drive-by download” attacks and the more advanced “zero-day” exploits make it possible for malware to be installed on phones with little or no user action. These methods exploit vulnerabilities in operating systems and applications.

In view of these sophisticated attacks, how far do the authorities investigate each reported scam, especially those involving screen reading and keylogging malware? Without thorough investigations, it will not be possible to ascertain fault and ensure that innocent victims are not held responsible for losses they did not cause. Is the default blame then placed on the victims who have to bear most of the financial loss?

Scams have emerged as a formidable obstacle in advancing digital access for our citizens, particularly in our senior community. Numerous elderly residents I have encountered express a fear of using internet banking or online payments because they are apprehensive about falling prey to scams. Consequently, I find myself hesitant to advocate the use of digital banking to them, despite its convenience, due to the real risk of them losing their entire life savings if they are targeted by scammers.

This situation has precipitated what the Member for Aljunied, Ms Sylvia Lim, aptly describes as a “crisis of confidence” with the digital banking system. Unless the authorities address the issue of scams more effectively and establish stronger consumer protections, our extensive efforts to transition all our citizens into a digitally empowered society will come to nought.

One tool the government has on hand to deal decisively with scams is the Online Criminal Harms Act. This will allow the government to, inter alia, direct online platforms to disable access to accounts suspected to be involved in scams. Parliament passed this Act last July, however it is only set to be progressively rolled out from this year. When will the Online Criminal Harms Act be fully operationalised? Given that an average of 87 scams are taking place every day in Singapore, each day of delay will be one day too late for many scam victims.

Banks must shoulder a greater responsibility in protecting their customers. I echo Ms Sylvia Lim’s earlier call for banks to reintroduce physical tokens as the default measure for multi-factor authentication for all their customers. Multi-factor authentication relies on a combination of “something you know” and “something you have”. However, when phones are compromised by malware, allowing scammers to view screens and keystrokes, this system collapses into a single factor. This allows scammers, who have access to the password entered by the user, to bypass the additional security layer. Therefore, bringing back physical tokens will reinstate the crucial second layer of security.

The Monetary Authority of Singapore (MAS) must more assertively and decisively tackle the problem of scams in the banking system to protect consumers. In my dealings with MAS when advocating for constituents victimised by scams, I have observed that MAS tends to forward these critical cases to the banks for follow up, instead of directly addressing and resolving the issues on behalf of victims. This delegation process then places the onus on the banks to determine who is at fault — the institution or the victim — for the occurrence of the scam. Such a practice raises serious concerns about the impartiality and effectiveness of the investigation.

I have also observed a discrepancy in MAS’ approach to enforcing actions on financial institutions for different violations. On one hand, MAS imposes very punitive measures like restrictions on acquisitions and additional capital requirements on banks when there are brief downtimes in online banking and ATM services. On the other hand, this level of decisiveness and rigour is markedly absent when addressing scam cases. MAS should require banks to tackle scams with the same level of intensity and rigour as they do in safeguarding consumers’ interests for system outages. 

Scam victims need a comprehensive explanation from a knowledgeable and impartial entity like MAS about how the scam occurred. This explanation should detail the roles of banks, telcos, customers and other entities in both the occurrence and prevention of such scams. This will determine who is responsible and who should bear the cost of these fraudulent acts.

Furthermore, responsibility should not be limited to financial institutions, telcos and consumers. Social media companies and mobile phone handset manufacturers should be held accountable for securing their platforms against scams. All handsets sold in Singapore should be required to disable side-loading of apps by default and make it difficult for end users to override critical security features. Social media platforms should be required to have processes in place to remove fraudulent posts soon after being notified.

The Ministry of Communications and Information has revealed that a notable proportion of residents, approximately 37%, do not regularly update their devices. Many of these may be less tech-savvy users. It is not reasonable to expect that everyone will have the technical proficiency to keep their devices updated. Therefore, consumer protection strategies must be designed on the premise that a significant number of users will not know how to keep their devices updated, and should incorporate additional layers of security to safeguard these users.

A central agency should oversee all scam investigations and responses. I am aware of the Anti-Scam Command (ASCom) and the important work their officers are doing. However, given that ASCom is a department under the Commercial Affairs Department of the Singapore Police Force, I don’t think they can be held accountable for whole-of-government efforts to combat scams. Who, therefore, is ultimately accountable for the government’s anti-scam efforts?

To summarise, my recommendations are as follows:

First, banks must significantly increase their responsibility towards customer protection, including by providing physical tokens to customers.

Second, MAS should take a more active role in ascertaining responsibility for scams carried out on banks’ digital platforms and supporting victims.

Third, the Online Criminal Harms Act needs to be fully operationalised without further delay.

Fourth, the government needs to hold technology companies more accountable for the security of their platforms and devices.

And finally, a central anti-scam agency should oversee and be ultimately accountable for the government’s anti-scam efforts.

Mdm Deputy Speaker, we stand at a critical juncture in the battle against scams. Our actions in the face of this scourge will define our commitment to protecting our citizens in the digital age. Let’s act swiftly and decisively to protect our people and, indeed, ourselves. I support the Motion.

Medication adherence challenges

I recently asked a parliamentary question to obtain data about patients at public hospitals and polyclinics who declined to collect their prescribed medication. In my question, I sought information on the frequency of such occurrences, the average price of medication declined by patients, the common reasons cited for non-collection, and whether the Ministry of Health (MOH) would consider collecting this data if it is not currently doing so. I was seeking to address a concern that had been brought up to me about whether the cost of medication could be a reason for their non-collection.

In response, Minister for Health Ong Ye Kung explained that MOH does not currently track the number of times patients decline to collect their prescribed medication, nor do they monitor the average price of such medication. Instead, he referred to a research study published in March 2023 that highlighted various non-cost-related factors influencing medication adherence. These factors include concerns about potential side effects, lack of knowledge about the medication and the underlying disease.

I looked up the research study that the Minister was likely referring to. The study mentioned that:

Although financial issues were not mentioned as a factor substantially hindering medication adherence, a minority of participants expressed that paying for regular prescriptions could be a burden for the family in the long term and hence would likely impede medication adherence. As one participant described: “The new oral medication for my diabetes was so costly as it was not covered by subsidies. My family is not well-off. So I stopped the medication.” (#4, M, 71)

The issue of patients declining to collect prescribed medication is a matter of concern. It can lead to worsened medical conditions, increased complications and higher healthcare costs due to delayed and more intensive treatment. Understanding non-collection reasons is vital for healthcare providers and policymakers to craft effective strategies for boosting medication adherence. These include addressing cost-related and other barriers.

The Minister did not answer my question about whether the Ministry will consider collecting such data. I would argue that public healthcare providers should track this to better grasp the medication adherence challenges and enhance patient care and outcomes.

Here is the full question and answer on 22 November 2023

DATA OF PATIENTS FROM SPECIALIST OUTPATIENT CLINICS AT PUBLIC HOSPITALS AND POLYCLINICS DECLINING COLLECTION OF MEDICATION IN LAST FIVE YEARS

Mr Gerald Giam Yean Song asked the Minister for Health (a) in each of the last five years, how many times have patients from specialist outpatient clinics at public hospitals and polyclinics declined to collect their prescribed medication; (b) what is the average price of medication declined to be collected by patients; (c) what are the common reasons cited for non-collection; and (d) whether the Ministry will consider collecting such data if it is not currently doing so.

Mr Ong Ye Kung: The Ministry of Health does not track the number of times patients from specialist outpatient clinics at public hospitals and polyclinics declined to collect their prescribed medication. We also do not monitor the average price of such medication. 

A research study published in March 2023 concluded that a wide range of non-cost-related factors influenced medication adherence. This includes concern about side effects, lack of knowledge of the medication and the disease.

Source: Parliament Hansard

Bus services rationalisation

TODAY online asked for my opinion on the rationalisation of bus services for this article:

https://www.todayonline.com/big-read/big-read-romance-and-practical-appeal-bus-rides-and-special-place-they-hold-singaporeans-hearts-2321486

I continue to receive frequent feedback from Bedok Reservoir residents, spanning all ages, about bus services in their area. Common concerns involve decreased bus frequencies that connect them to Bedok Reservoir MRT station and Bedok Interchange. These issues arose following the removal of several bus routes in late 2021. I have made multiple appeals to LTA to increase the frequency of the remaining bus service 228, but have been told that the overall reliability of the service is acceptable. 

The key question is what is an acceptable frequency of feeder bus services to the closest MRT station. Is a scheduled frequency of up to nine minutes during peak hours, and up to 19 minutes during off-peak hours acceptable? This is the scheduled frequency for Service 228.

During the 2022 Committee of Supply debate, I stated that:

“If bus services must be removed, the frequency of the remaining feeder services to bus interchanges or MRT stations should be increased to make up for them. Commuters should not have to wait more than five minutes during peak hours or 10 minutes during off-peak hours for feeder buses.” (emphasis added)

I also stated during the Motion on the Cost of Living Crisis on 7 November 2023 that:

“Some service coverage is already being reduced. In the past three years, about 30 bus services have been shortened or removed. Such changes have affected my residents in Bedok Reservoir who continue to voice their concerns to me about long wait times and crowded feeder bus rides to the Bedok Mass Rapid Transit (MRT) station. Elderly commuters who favour direct trunk services, which facilitate shorter walking distances for the commute, are also affected by these changes.”

I reiterate my stand on this. To establish public transportation as the favoured travel mode, especially in our pursuit of environmental sustainability, we must ensure that commuters do not experience a reduction in service levels because of a decrease in the frequency of bus services.

#Parliament #WorkersParty #MakingYourVoteCount

Use of SkillsFuture Credit for online courses

During Question Time in Parliament on 3 December 2023, I asked the Senior Minister of State for Information and Communications, Mr Tan Kiat How, to clarify if SkillsFuture Credit (SFC) could be used for courses run by Udemy, a popular online course provider. He had replied to another parliamentary question that “Singaporeans who have continued interest in courses offered by Udemy can use their SkillsFuture credits for such courses and submit their claims directly to SSG (SkillsFuture Singapore) for reimbursement, upon completion of the courses.”

It was my understanding at that point that SFC funding for courses by Udemy had been discontinued for some time already and there was only one remaining online course provider, eCornell, that still received SFC support.

Mr Tan replied that he needed to check on that and clarified later that afternoon that what he had said earlier was accurate. Yet at the time that he said that, the SkillsFuture Singapore website still stated that:

Frequently asked questions

Can I use my SkillsFuture Credit to pay for Massive Open Online Courses such as Coursera or Udemy?

Nov 21, 2023 – Courses by Coursera and Udemy are no longer eligible for SkillsFuture Credit since 5 Jan 2020 and 8 Jan 2022 respectively. Currently, only the Massive Open Online Courses offered by ECornell (delivered under Genashtim Pte Ltd) are still eligible for SFC, till 9 Jul 2025.

However, the SkillsFuture website was amended later that night and it now states:

Frequently asked questions

Can I use my SkillsFuture Credit (SFC) to pay for online courses such as Coursera or Udemy?

Dec 03, 2023 – Singaporeans who want to use their SkillsFuture Credit (SFC) for online courses such as Coursera and Udemy can submit their claim request directly to SSG through SSG-WSG service portal.

Supporting documents required are:

– Course/exam invoice/receipt; and

– Completion of course certificate or proof of exam attendance.

You will be reimbursed of your out-of-pocket course/exam fees through your available SFC balance upon SSG’s approval of your claim request.

Source: SkillsFuture Singapore

It appears that SkillsFuture Singapore has decided to fund Coursera and Udemy online courses after discontinuing support in 2020 and 2022 respectively. This is good news for Singaporeans who wish to upskill themselves through online courses offered by these providers but were hitherto disappointed by the discontinuation of SFC support for Coursera and Udemy, as well as the expiration of the National Library’s contract with Udemy Business from 15 December 2023.

Note: I have no financial stake in Udemy and Coursera but I have taken courses from both providers (some using my SFC) and found them useful professionally. 

Here is the full exchange in Parliament:

Sitting Date: 22-11-2023
Section Name: Oral Answers to Questions

SOLUTIONS TO DEFRAY COST INCREASES IN NATIONAL LIBRARY BOARD’S DECISION TO CEASE SUBSCRIPTION TO E-LEARNING PLATFORM

Ms Hany Soh asked the Minister for Communications and Information with respect to the announcement by the National Library Board on 7 November 2023 that it will cease its subscription to an e-learning platform from 15 December 2023, whether the Ministry has considered any solutions to defray the cited reason of a significant increase in cost so that public will be able to continue benefiting from access to the platform.

The Senior Minister of State for Communications and Information (Mr Tan Kiat How) (for the Minister for Communications and Information): Sir, the National Library Board (NLB) is committed to making e-learning resources accessible to all, as part of its expanded range of content formats to support reading, learning and discovery.

The current contract for Udemy Business will expire on 15 December 2023. NLB has decided not to award a fresh contract to Udemy Business because the new licensing model will cover a much smaller number of courses than what is available today and restrict the number of users allowed to access these courses. The new licensing model is also several times more expensive than the current contract. Notwithstanding this, Singaporeans who have a continued interest in courses offered by Udemy Business can use their SkillsFuture Credit for such courses and submit their claims directly to the SkillsFuture Singapore (SSG) for reimbursement upon completion of their course.

NLB will also continue to identify suitable e-learning resources to replace the offerings by Udemy Business and expects to make available new resources in the coming months. NLB will continue to work with SSG and other local and overseas partners to provide more online learning resources and encourage lifelong learning among Singaporeans.

Mr Speaker: Ms Hany Soh. 

Ms Hany Soh (Marsiling-Yew Tee): Thank you, Speaker. I have three supplementary questions for this question.

Firstly, can the Senior Minister of State share on a per user basis, what would be the cost involved if the subscriptions were kept as opposed to how much it cost before the cost increases?

The second supplementary question is in relation to alternative platforms for the users. How does it measure up against the current Udemy Business platform?

And finally, how will the Ministry or specifically, NLB assist members of the public with the transitions from the current platform to its replacements, especially when it comes to addressing their needs on work or studies? 

Mr Tan Kiat How: Sir, the refreshed proposal from the Udemy Business on its online resources is through an open tender, open procurement approach. I do not think it would be appropriate for me to share some of the commercial sensitivities that might be tied to the proposal. But perhaps, allow me just to elaborate. It is not just about the cost per user. It is about the restricted access to the courses that are available under this new licensing model, which we do not think will meet the needs of the learners in Singapore. 

Allow me to use an analogy to make it easier to explain. In the past, you go to a restaurant, you pay a price at the door, you go in, it is a buffet, choose what you want, eat all you can. You can go to the cooked food section, there is a seafood section, a salad section, there are hot stations where they prepare food for you, then you have the drinks section and the desserts section. Choose what you want, eat all you can for a fixed price. But with a new model, maybe a restaurant tells you that the price that you pay at the door is a few times higher now; and you go into the restaurant, you are only entitled to a plate of rice and maybe two or three dishes from the cooked food. Anything else, you would have to top up, pay extra; and now, you are no longer able to go to the salad section, you cannot go to the drink section, you cannot go to the dessert section, you cannot go to the seafood section.

So, the question for us is: with a much more expensive and costly model, does this still meet the needs of our learners? 

We assure the Member Ms Hany Soh and other Members that NLB is very concerned about the nutritional needs of our Singaporeans, especially the nutrition of the mind, their learning needs. We are actively exploring what other platforms can provide such needs for our learners.

At the same time, we also shared with many of members of the public who wrote in about some of the other alternative resources. For example, you have LearnX, which is on learning.nlb.gov.sg. It is a platform where NLB provides curated resources for our learners. We also shared a list of other platforms that are available for learners to tap on in the meantime, as we look at other resources, other online platforms for our learners, in the future.

So, I wish to assure Members that this is something that NLB is very, very keen on because we want to support the lifelong learning and discovery needs of Singaporeans of all ages.

Mr Speaker: Mr Gerald Giam. 

Mr Gerald Giam Yean Song (Aljunied): Thank you, Mr Speaker, and I thank the Senior Minister of State for his reply just now. 

I just heard the Senior Minister of State say that learners can use the SkillsFuture credit to claim for Udemy courses. But the last time I checked, on the SkillsFuture website, Udemy courses are not available. It used to be, a long time ago, but it was discontinued for some time already. And, as far as I know, there is only one online course provider called eCornell. So, can the Senior Minister of State confirm that what he said just now is still accurate?

Mr Tan Kiat How: Sir, I would have to get back to Mr Giam’s question. [Please refer to “Clarification by Senior Minister of State for Communications and Information”, Official Report, 22 November 2023, Vol 95, Issue 117, Oral Answers to Questions section.]

From the information I am given, it is possible for Singaporeans who have continued interest in courses offered by Udemy Business to use their SkillsFuture credit for such courses and submit these claims directly to SSG for reimbursement upon completion of their course. But perhaps, if Mr Giam would like to seek specific clarification on specific courses, he can write to us. We will take a look and check it out.

Source: Singapore Parliament Hansard

Sitting Date: 22-11-2023
Section Name: Clarification

CLARIFICATION BY SENIOR MINISTER OF STATE FOR COMMUNICATIONS AND INFORMATION
(Clarification to Question No 3)

Mr Speaker: Senior Minister of State, Tan Kiat How.

The Senior Minister of State for Communications and Information (Mr Tan Kiat How): Sir, thank you. I just wanted to reply to Member Mr Gerald Giam‘s question just now. I have verified with SkillsFuture Singapore (SSG) colleagues. Just to reaffirm what I said – Singaporeans who have continued interest in courses offered by Udemy can use their SkillsFuture credits for such courses and submit their claims directly to SSG for reimbursement, upon completion of the courses. [Please refer to “Solutions to Defray Cost Increases in National Library Board’s Decision to Cease Subscription to E-learning Platform”, Official Report, 22 November 2023, Vol 95, Issue 117, Oral Answers to Questions section.]

Source: Singapore Parliament Hansard

Should the President take up external appointments in his private capacity?

I made this speech in Parliament on 22 November 2023 during the debate on the Constitutional of the Republic of Singapore (Amendment No. 3) Bill.

Mr Speaker,

This Constitutional Amendment Bill provides for the President and Ministers to accept appointments in foreign and international organisations in their private capacities if it serves the national interest. The Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) asserts that such appointments can enhance Singapore’s international standing and help to advance our national interest. 

President Tharman Shanmugaratnam currently holds several international appointments, including chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Group of Thirty, co-chair of the advisory board of the UN Human Development Report, co-chair of the Global Commission on the Economics of Water and a member of the Board of Trustees of the World Economic Forum. The DPM said in his Second Reading speech that he is on all these boards in his official capacity. 

Internationally, it is a common practice for political office holders to resign from their private positions before being sworn in to office. Recently, Mr David Cameron resigned from various business and charitable positions, including as president of Alzheimer’s Research UK, when he made a comeback to government, saying, “I have one job — to be foreign secretary and work with the prime minister for the UK to be as secure and prosperous as possible in a difficult and dangerous world.”

Conversely, there are many examples of former politicians who are now leading high profile international bodies, but only started serving in these organisations after their political tenure in their home countries. Examples include Mr Antonio Guterres, the current Secretary-General of the United Nations, who was a former prime minister of Portugal, and Mr Charles Michel, who became the President of the European Council after stepping down as the Belgian prime minister.

The presence of currently-serving senior public officials in international organisations has led to controversies in the past. In 2018, the European Union ombudsman called on then-European Central Bank (ECB) president Mario Draghi to resign from the G30 — the same organisation whose board of trustees President Tharman is now chairing. She said Mr Draghi’s membership of the G30 could give rise to a public perception that the independence of the ECB could be compromised, adding that “for the ECB to allow this perception to arise over several years constitutes maladministration on its part.”

The PMO stated that “from time to time, the President or Ministers are invited to take up key positions in foreign and international organisations.” Prior to this, did any of our past Presidents assume positions in foreign organisations in their private capacities while they were still in office, or is Mr Tharman the first? 

Additionally, have there been other invitations extended to the President for positions in foreign and international organisations that he has not yet accepted? Could the DPM provide the House a comprehensive list of his external commitments, both present and potential, so that Parliament can ascertain the extent of the President’s involvement in these organisations and his expected annual time commitment for these roles.

Prior to his election, Mr Tharman articulated his vision for the presidency, emphasising the need for a “different character to the presidency” in Singapore’s next phase of development. He underscored the role of the President in checking the governance system, fostering unity, and evolving Singapore’s norms and culture. During his inauguration, he committed to using his mandate to strengthen multiracialism and enhance respect among communities. His plans include promoting interaction between different communities, ensuring cultural vibrancy, and fostering inclusivity through active community participation, civil society and support for the arts and sports.

These are substantial commitments that will demand a significant investment of the President’s time and effort. All of us — even the President — have only 24 hours each day. Any time he spends serving private interests will be time taken away from his national duties and his constituents — who are the people of Singapore. Surely the role of the President is significant enough to merit his undivided attention.

The President also draws a salary of $1.57 million a year. If we include his entertainment allowance, the salaries of his personal staff and other expenses, the total budgeted expenditure of the President’s office in the current financial year is over $12 million. This is a substantial amount of taxpayer money. It is only reasonable for Singaporeans to expect that he dedicates all his time and energy in his official capacity to meeting his promises to the people. 

The Government may argue that the President serves Singapore by accepting these key positions in international organisations. However, we must note that the proposed Article 22Q specifies that he will act in his “private capacity,” not in the exercise of his functions under the Constitution. 

We must more closely examine how these private roles, separate from official duties, genuinely advance Singapore’s national interests. How will the Government ensure that the President, when acting in his private capacity, follows the Cabinet’s advice about what to say or do in his role, since many of these organisations hold their meetings behind closed doors in foreign countries?

The DPM said that international organisations would want our President to continue in his official role. They also want their appointees to contribute independently. But if the Cabinet can instruct the President what to say or not to say, how is that contributing independently?

Invoking the “national interest” cannot grant the Government unrestricted authority to pursue its every desire. There are varying degrees of national interest. Is there any objective test that the Cabinet will employ to assess the degree of national interest of the President taking up foreign or international roles?

Mr Speaker, I accept that the President may sometimes take up roles in international organisations in his official capacity in order to enhance Singapore’s international standing and advance our national interests. However, Singaporeans justifiably expect him to wholeheartedly dedicate his time and energy to fulfil his national responsibilities. Allowing the President to take up external appointments in his private capacity could detract from his substantial public duties. For this reason, the Workers’ Party will vote against this Bill.

重新思考新加坡公共交通模式

严燕松（阿裕尼集选区）

这是我在2023年11月7日的国会里发表的英译中演讲。

______

生活成本危机：要求国会呼吁政府重新审视其政策，以减轻新加坡人及其家庭的生活成本压力。

议长先生，

新加坡面临着无可否认的生活成本上升趋势，这是由全球通货膨胀、供应链中断、能源价格上升和劳动力短缺等因素驱动的。然而，与武吉班让议员对动议的修改中所暗示的相反，国内政策决定，如消费税增长、水电费上涨、公共交通费用上升，以及拥车证的成本飙升，也导致了新加坡人的生活成本增加。

黑匣子研究最近的SensingSG调查发现，59%的新加坡居民认为生活成本是国家和社会所面对的两个最重要的问题之一。公共交通成本也是新加坡生活成本的组成部分，占新加坡金融管理局核心通胀篮子的2.5%。

在过去的10年中，地铁和巴士车资的增长率快于核心通胀率。在2023年的车资调整检讨中，公共交通理事会的车资调整公式建议高达22.6%的车资调整。尽管公共交通理事会选择将其限制在7%。这一项决定导致政府在2023年为公共交通运营商提供了约3亿新元的额外补贴，高于前一年的2亿新元。这一补贴仍未能消除剩余的15.6%的车资增长，公共交通理事会已将其推迟到未来的审核。

与此同时，公交业者继续公布惊人的利润。在2011年至2022年之间，SMRT和新捷运共计每年平均获利7460万新元，上一财年甚至高达1亿1千万新元。在车资上涨和政府补贴增加的背景下，这一利润尤其惹人注目。在我们当前的公共交通模式下，公交业者之间几乎没有竞争。这是因为不同业者运营的是岛内不同的交通路线。即使不同交通方式在相同路线的重复，也在逐渐被消除。巴士路线和新的地铁线路平行运行的公交服务也被取消了。

以上的论点引发了对当前车资调整公式有效性的疑问，以及围绕新加坡公共交通模式的可持续性的广泛讨论。

向国有化迈进

当前的模式包括政府对运输资产的所有权和在多个以盈利为导向的公交业者之间划分的运营合同。这个模式比政府更愿意承认的更朝向国有化迈进。。自2010年，所有铁路资产都转移到了政府手中。2012年，政府推出了每年11亿新元的巴士服务增强计划。2013年，巴士承包模式开始实行，陆交局在某些地区向公交业者招标巴士服务。这一过程在2016年完成。陆路交通管理局现在拥有巴士资产并向公交业者支付运营费，同时收取所有车费收入并设定服务水平。政府现在每年为公共交通服务提供20亿新元的补贴，即每次航程1新元。

目前的公共交通模式包括运营商、监管机构和政府，这可能会导致效率低下和额外成本。这些始终将转嫁到乘客和纳税人身上。这将表现为车资增加、政府补贴增加、服务覆盖范围降低，或三者兼得。

一些服务覆盖范围已经逐渐减少。在过去三年里，已经有大约30项公交服务被缩短或取消。这些变化已经影响到勿洛蓄水池一带的居民。他们不断地向我表达他们对长时间等待巴士和拥挤的勿洛地铁站接驳巴士的关注。那些偏爱直达干线服务以达到在通勤过程中步行距离较短的老年乘客，也受到了这些变化的影响。

工人党的国营交通公司提议

正如反对党领袖在提出这一项动议时所说的那样，我们必需重新思考政府发出一次性财政津贴的政策方法，并探索可能的结构性变化，以减少新加坡人的生活成本开支。

因此，重新考虑成立国营交通公司的提议是及时的。这一项提议最初由工人党在2006年提出。我们设想国营交通公司作为一个公共拥有、非营利、多模式的陆路运输实体，将监督新加坡所有的地铁、轻轨和干线巴士服务的规划和运营。

国营交通公司在多个方面优于当前的公共交通模式。

首先，在国营交通公司旗下，原本流向公交业者及其股东的可观利润可以重新分配给乘客。这样的收入可以减缓车资上涨并为老年人、残疾人士和低收入家庭提供交通补贴，直接解决生活成本问题。

其次，政府拥有权过问国营交通公司的财务记录，政府便可以仅设置足够高的车费来确保国营交通公司的财务可持续性，而不会过度负担乘客。复杂的车资调整公式可以废除。车资调整可以逐步引入，避免在经济困难时期突然变化。

其三，国营交通公司可以管理巴士换乘站、地铁和轻轨站，以及相关联的通道，利用这些黄金零售和商业区的租金来支持其运营。这将有助于减缓车资上涨和对不断增长的政府补贴的需求。

其四，国营交通公司可以根据专业知识、业绩记录和对公共服务的承诺，聘请国内外顶尖的交通工程师和管理人员。公司的成败由人才推动。利润动机并非是提高效率和生产力的唯一驱动因素。通过设定严格的关键绩效指标（KPI）并赋予这些专业人员的话语权，国家交通公司可以持续提高服务标准。相比之下，当前针对公交业者服务中断的处罚与其利润相比微不足道，也不会直接影响到高级管理人员的薪酬。国家交通公司的方法将在绩效管理上看到显著的改进。

其五，为了透明度和问责性，国家交通公司应该公开其高级管理人员的薪酬、主要利润来源和主要成本驱动因素，使国会和公众能够检查和审视其财务状况并追究相关方的责任。

其六，类似国营交通公司的统一交通实体将确保更统一的服务标准、增强的服务整合和全面的数据获取，用于服务改进。国家交通公司可以利用广泛的通勤者数据，运用人工智能预测通勤趋势，动态地指挥公交车和火车前往最需要的地方。通勤者在新加坡某一个地区提出的改进建议也可以在全岛实行。

其七，国家交通公司在采购、人员配置和技术基础设施方面也将产生规模经济，带来更多节省，使通勤者受益。

其八，国家交通公司将承担目前由陆路交通管理局持有的运营责任，让陆交局只专注于其监管角色，消除同时作为监管者和运营者可能出现的利益冲突。

最后，国家交通公司将被赋予自由去试行和引领陆路交通解决方案，并将新加坡置于全球交通创新的前沿。这可能为新加坡成为像自动驾驶公交车或环保的氢能源汽车等先进技术的早期采纳者铺平道路。

结论

议长先生，国家交通公司是对新加坡公共交通模式的重新思考。它让我们从依赖政府补贴以盈利的公共交通公司转变为一个非营利、统一的服务提供者，这将为通勤者和纳税人提供更高效、更具经济效益的服务。

这种新模式将把我们通勤者的需求和福祉放在我们交通政策的核心。它不仅会解决新加坡人目前的成本问题，而且还将引导新加坡的公共交通走向未来。

议长先生，我支持反对党领袖和阿裕尼选区议员，毕丹星先生，以及盛港选区议员，蔡庆威先生，提出的动议。

Rethinking Singapore’s public transport model to benefit commuters

This was my speech in Parliament on 7 November 2023 during the debate on the motion tabled by Leader of the Opposition, Mr Pritam Singh, and MP for Sengkang Louis Chua, on the cost of living crisis.

Cost of Living: That this House calls on the Government to review its policies so as to lower cost of living pressures for Singaporeans and their families.

Mr Speaker,

Singapore faces an undeniable upward trend in the cost of living, driven by factors such as global inflation, supply chain disruptions, escalating energy prices and labour shortages. However, contrary to what the Member for Bukit Panjang seems to imply in his amendments to the motion, domestic policy decisions, like the hike in the GST, increases in water and electricity tariffs, and rises in public transport fares, coupled with the skyrocketing cost of COEs, also contribute to the increase in the cost of living that Singaporeans are experiencing.

Blackbox Research’s recent SensingSG survey found that 59% of Singapore residents highlighted cost of living among the two most important national and community issues. Public transport costs are also a contributor to the cost of living in Singapore, making up 2.5% of the MAS’ Core Inflation basket.

Over the last 10 years, the rate of increase in bus and train fares has been faster than that of core inflation. In the 2023 Fare Review Exercise, the Public Transport Council (PTC)’s fare adjustment formula produced a whopping 22.6% fare increase, although the PTC chose to cap it at 7%. This decision led to the Government providing an additional subsidy to public transport operators (PTOs) to the tune of about $300 million in 2023, up from the $200 million the year before. This subsidy still does not eliminate the remaining 15.6% fare increase, which the PTC has deferred to future reviews.

In the meantime, PTOs have continued to post eye watering profits. Between 2011 and 2022, SMRT and SBS Transit have together posted profits averaging $74.6 million a year, reaching $110 million in the last financial year. This is particularly jarring against the backdrop of increasing fares and government subsidies. The PTOs in our current public transport model face little competition with each other, because they operate different transport routes across the island. Even duplications of the same routes for different transport modes are slowly being eliminated, as bus services running parallel to new MRT lines are removed.

These prompt questions about the efficacy of the current fare adjustment formula, and a broader discussion around the sustainability of Singapore’s public transport model. 

Inching towards Nationalisation

The current model consists of a mix of government ownership of transport assets and operating contracts carved up among multiple profit-oriented PTOs. The model is inching more towards nationalisation than the Government would like to admit. Starting in 2010, all rail assets were transferred to the government. The year 2012 saw the introduction of the $1.1 billion a year Bus Services Enhancement Plan. In 2013, the Bus Contracting Model saw bus services in certain areas tendered out to PTOs. This was completed in 2016. The Land Transport Authority (LTA) now owns bus assets and pays the PTOs an operating fee, while collecting all fare revenue and setting the service levels. The Government is now subsidising public transport services to the tune of $2 billion a year, or $1 for every journey. 

This mesh of responsibilities involving the operators, the regulator and the government potentially introduces inefficiencies and additional costs. These will eventually trickle down to commuters and taxpayers, manifesting as either increased fares, higher government subsidies, lower service coverage, or all of the above.

Some service coverage is already being reduced. In the past three years, about 30 bus services have been shortened or removed. Such changes have affected my residents in Bedok Reservoir, who continue to voice their concerns to me about long wait times and crowded feeder bus rides to Bedok MRT station. Elderly commuters, who favour direct trunk services which facilitate shorter walking distances during the commute, are also affected by these changes.

WP’s National Transport Corporation proposal

As the Leader of the Opposition said when moving this Motion, we need to move beyond one-time fiscal handouts and explore possible structural changes to existing policies to reduce cost-of-living expenses for Singaporeans.

It is therefore timely to revisit the proposal to establish a National Transport Corporation (NTC). This was first proposed by the Workers’ Party in 2006. We envisage the NTC as a publicly-owned, non-profit, multi-modal land transport entity which will oversee the planning and operation of all MRT, LRT and trunk bus services in Singapore.

The NTC offers many benefits over the current public transport model.

First, under the NTC, the substantial profits which go to PTOs and their shareholders could instead be redirected to benefit commuters. Such revenue could mitigate fare increases and subsidise transport for the elderly, people with disabilities and low income households, directly addressing concerns about the cost of living.

Second, with full access to the NTC’s financial records, the government could set fares just high enough to ensure the NTC’s fiscal sustainability without overly burdening commuters. The complex fare adjustment formula can be done away with. Fare adjustments could be introduced progressively, avoiding abrupt changes during times of economic hardship.

Third, the NTC could manage bus interchanges, MRT and LRT stations, and their associated linkways, leveraging the rent from these prime retail and commercial areas to support its operations. This will help moderate fare increases and the need for ever-growing government subsidies.

Fourth, the NTC could hire top transport engineers and managers, both locally and globally, based on their expertise, track records and commitment to public service. Companies are fuelled by their people. Profit motives are not the sole drivers of efficiency and productivity improvements. By setting stringent KPIs and empowering these professionals, the NTC can continually improve service standards. In contrast, the current penalties for PTOs’ service disruptions are trivial against their profits and don’t directly affect executive pay. The NTC’s approach will see a marked improvement in performance management.

Fifth, for transparency and accountability, the NTC should disclose its executive salaries, primary profit sources and major cost drivers, enabling Parliament and the public to examine its financial health and hold relevant parties accountable.

Sixth, a unified transport entity like the NTC would ensure more uniform service standards, enhanced service integration and comprehensive access to data for service improvement. Utilising the vast array of commuter data, the NTC can employ AI to forecast travel trends, dynamically directing buses and trains where they are most required. Improvements suggested by commuters in one region of Singapore could be applied island-wide.

Seventh, the NTC would yield economies of scale in procurement, staff allocation and technological infrastructure, leading to further savings that benefit commuters.

Eighth, the NTC would assume operational responsibilities currently held by the LTA, allowing the LTA to focus solely on its regulatory role, eliminating potential conflicts of interest from being both a regulator and an operator.

Lastly, the NTC would be given the freedom to experiment with and spearhead land transport solutions, and position Singapore at the vanguard of global transport innovations. This could pave the way for Singapore to be an early adopter of advancements like autonomous buses or eco-friendly hydrogen-powered vehicles.

Conclusion

Sir, the National Transport Corporation is a rethink of Singapore’s public transport model. It shifts us away from public transport companies that profit from government subsidies, to a non-profit, unified provider that will be more efficient and affordable for both commuters and taxpayers. 

This new model will place the needs and well-being of our commuters at the heart of our transport policy. It will not only address the immediate cost concerns of Singaporeans, but also steer Singapore’s public transport into the future.

Sir, I support the Motion standing in the name of my Hon. Friends, the Leader of the Opposition and Member for Aljunied, Mr Pritam Singh, and the Member for Sengkang, Mr Louis Chua.

Israel-Hamas Conflict

This was my speech on the Parliamentary Motion on the Israel-Hamas Conflict on 6 November 2023.

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6 Nov 2023

Mr Speaker,

At the outset, I would like to affirm the Workers’ Party’s support for Israel’s statehood and for the creation of a viable Palestinian state, side by side in peace and security with Israel through a negotiated two-state solution, in line with the relevant United Nations (UN) Security Council Resolutions.

The killing of 1,400 people, most of them civilians, in Israel and the taking of over 240 hostages by Hamas on 7 October 2023 cannot be justified and must be unequivocally condemned. However, the ensuing retaliation by Israel in the Gaza Strip over the past month demands critical scrutiny and a response from the international community, including Singapore.

Since 7 October, more than 9,770 people in Gaza — including thousands of children — have been killed, according to health officials in Gaza. More than 1.5 million people have been internally displaced and northern Gaza has been laid siege by Israel. Israel said it dropped about 6,000 bombs on the Gaza Strip in the first week of the war. This number is surely much higher now, topping the record number of bombs the US dropped on Afghanistan in the whole of 2019. 

The Workers’ Party supports Israel’s right to defend itself. However, this right must be wielded within the bounds of international humanitarian law, ensuring that the sanctity of human life, particularly that of civilians and children, is upheld even in the midst of a war. Israel was successful in securing its border with Gaza within days of the assault, but it continues to destroy civilian infrastructure, displace hundreds of thousands of people and cut off supplies of water and electricity.

Israel must recognise that executing this asymmetric response will only breed further hatred of it among the Palestinian population and provide fuel for extremists both in Gaza and around the world, perpetuating the cycle of violence and suffering. Former US President Barack Obama said that upholding international law and avoiding, to every extent possible, the death or suffering of civilian populations is “vital for building alliances and shaping international opinion — all of which are critical for Israel’s long-term security.”

Israel therefore must adhere strictly to the laws of war — not only for the sake of the suffering Palestinians but also for its own security. Proportionality, distinction and necessity must guide its military actions. Hamas must also immediately and unconditionally release all Israeli and foreign hostages. Failure to do so will only prolong this war, and lead to a greater loss of life and hardening of hearts on both sides.

Singapore’s potential role

The Workers’ Party supports Singapore’s vote on the resolution at the UN General Assembly on 26 October which, among other things, called for an “immediate, durable and sustained humanitarian truce leading to a cessation of hostilities” as well as the “immediate and unconditional release” of all civilians being illegally held captive.

Singapore may be a small country, but we must do everything within our capacity, working alongside countries in the region and international agencies, to deliver essential humanitarian aid to the suffering people of Gaza during this current conflict. 

Our assistance must go beyond alleviating the immediate suffering of the Palestinians. We can also contribute to post-conflict reconstruction and development by offering more technical assistance to the Palestinians, for example, in education, public housing, urban planning, water management and tackling corruption. Under the auspices of the Singapore Cooperation Programme, Singapore has provided training for many Palestinian officials. In 2016, Singapore pledged to double the Enhanced Technical Assistance Package for Palestinian officials to the quantum of $10 million. We must follow through with this pledge, as this technical assistance will be needed more than ever during reconstruction following this war.

Our longstanding ties with Israel go back to our early days of independence and national service. Singapore also has good relations with the Palestinians and with influential Muslim majority countries such as Egypt, Jordan, Turkey, the UAE, Bahrain, Morocco, Saudi Arabia and Qatar, some of which have established diplomatic relations with Israel. Singapore was also the first country to sign a free trade agreement with the Gulf Cooperation Council.

Singapore’s diplomatic standing and trade relations with these nations places us in a position to play a constructive role towards pushing for a long-term solution for peace in the region. We should work with like-minded partners to help establish the foundations for enduring peace between the Israelis and Palestinians, and advocate for the implementation of the two-state solution. We should seek opportunities to facilitate greater dialogue between all stakeholders, including hosting high level summits between Israeli and Palestinian leaders. Singapore could provide a neutral venue for peace talks away from the conflict zone. This potential peacemaking role is consistent with past initiatives. In 2018, Singapore was the backdrop for the first ever summit between the leaders of the US and North Korea, and before that in 2015 we facilitated the landmark meeting between the presidents of China and Taiwan.

And lastly, our think tanks like the Middle East Institute could play host to more Track II academic exchanges and business forums between Israelis and Palestinians. These less formal dialogues are essential in building understanding and sharing Singapore’s experiences in nation-building.

Misinformation and political debate

Mr Speaker, I wish to express my heartfelt thanks to Singaporeans, especially the residents of Aljunied, Hougang and Sengkang, who have actively engaged with Workers’ Party MPs on this issue. Your passion, concern, and call for a balanced, humane approach have been instrumental in shaping our collective voice on this matter. Let us unite in supporting efforts that foster peace, dialogue and understanding.

I am mindful of the potential influence of misinformation surrounding this conflict. There have been various reports of supposed atrocities committed by both sides. Many such reports remain contested and lack independent verification. It’s important to acknowledge there is a possibility that some information might be a product of war propaganda. There are significant challenges faced by journalists in independently confirming these allegations, given the hazards of reporting from a conflict zone. 

As Singaporeans, it is imperative that we individually take the initiative to guard against the spread of misinformation and disinformation. We should not look to the government to censor fake news for us. As an article on the website Vox advised, if a video, photo or post about the war makes you immediately furious or upset, refrain from instantly sharing it. Check the source by reviewing the account and its past posts and cross-reference it with reliable news outlets. This will help to keep our discourse on this issue rational and focused on what is most important — the welfare of the innocent civilians in Israel and Palestine.

Political debate occurring within Parliament, in classrooms or at Speakers’ Corner provides Singaporeans with a safe avenue to express their views and engage in discussions about international conflicts, including the Israel-Palestine situation. They also provide a crucial pressure release valve for discontent, helping to prevent individuals from becoming overly influenced by extreme rhetoric from foreign sources. Suppressing political debates does not prevent extremism; rather, it could lead to the debate being driven into radicalised corners of the internet, which is where the real danger lies.

Arguments against greater public debate have cited concerns about a general lack of understanding surrounding the complex Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This raises two critical questions: What active steps are being taken to deepen Singaporeans’ understanding of this conflict? And are we as individuals proactively seeking to educate ourselves on this topic?

Schools and higher education institutions should more actively promote classroom discussions on this topic. This will not only provide young people with a platform to voice their perspectives and express their frustrations with the situation, but also encourage them to respect different viewpoints. With teachers or facilitators guiding these discussions, the conversations will be kept balanced and will avoid becoming overly contentious.

In our era, where information is widely accessible, there is no excuse for not acquiring a basic grasp of this important issue. Despite its complexity, it is essential for each us to make the effort to understand its nuances, so as to foster rational and informed public discussions.

Conclusion

Mr Speaker, in summary the Workers’ Party calls for an immediate humanitarian truce, the protection of civilians and aid workers, direct humanitarian access, the swift release of hostages, and a return to negotiations towards a two-state solution to the conflict between the Israelis and Palestinians, in line with the United Nations General Assembly resolution ES-10/21.

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Exams and Students’ Well-being

From this year onwards, students in primary and secondary school will no longer have to sit for mid-year exams. They will still have to take weighted assessments (ie, tests) and end-of-year exams. While the removal of mid-years is a good move, I am concerned exams are still being emphasised as the main form of assessment and promotion.

During the Parliament sitting on 3 October 2023, I asked the Minister of Education whether MOE has assessed the impact of the removal of exams on students’ well-being and whether the pressure on students is being shifted to end-of-year exams, and whether the MOE is working with schools to rebalance the emphasis on exams and tests. 

Read my question and the Minister’s answer below:

Effect of removing mid-year examinations on students’ well-being

Mr Gerald Giam Yean Song asked the Minister for Education (a) whether the Ministry has assessed the effect of removing mid-year examinations on primary and secondary school students’ well-being and if the pressure on students is being shifted to end-of-year examinations; and (b) whether the Ministry is working with schools to rebalance the emphasis on examinations and tests with alternative forms of assessment.

Mr Chan Chun Sing: The purpose of education is to enable every child to learn values, skills and knowledge to develop into a healthy thriving person capable of contributing as a citizen. The school curriculum and programmes help students discover and learn, so as to reach their potential. Assessments serve as periodic points to gather information on students’ learning progress and to support them in their next stage of learning, such as in helping to determine the subjects and subject levels most suitable for them.

The removal of Mid-Year Examinations should be understood in the right spirit. It is not aimed at reducing stress per se, but at reducing the overemphasis on examinations and grades and to free up time and space for teachers to provide more engaging learning experiences and pace learning. This will give students more opportunities to strengthen their 21st century competencies and develop as self-directed learners.

Students will have sufficient feedback through a variety of ways, such as weighted assessments and classroom assignments, to improve their learning. Schools design a variety of assessments suited to the learning objectives.

Schools have given feedback that students and parents appreciate that there are now more opportunities for students to discover their interests and strengths. Teachers also have more time to provide a variety of learning experiences to cater to students’ learning needs and to give feedback on their learning.

The Ministry of Education will continue to work closely with schools and stakeholders to ensure that our school assessments are appropriately positioned and designed to enable students’ learning, while mindful of their well-being.

Source: Parliament Hansard