Preventing youth gambling

This was a speech I made during the debate on the Gambling Control Bill and the Gambling Regulatory Authority of Singapore Bill on 11 Mar 2022 in Parliament.


As Parliament sits today to debate the Gambling Control Bill and the Gambling Regulatory Authority of Singapore Bill, a fact that should be at the forefront of our minds is this: Gambling may seem like harmless fun for many people, but it can be a scourge on families impacted by problem gambling.

The National Council for Problem Gambling’s 2020 survey found that almost half of Singapore residents aged 18 and above participate in gambling activities, with 6% reporting that they lack self control when gambling. 

The survey found that gamblers with poorer self-control are more likely to regret the way they have gambled, have emotional problems and have family quarrels. Worryingly, 37% of Singapore residents with no income reported participating in gambling.

Regrettably, the avenues for Singaporeans to gamble have expanded over the years. Two casinos were opened in 2010 and in 2019 the Government raised the cap on the number of slot machines allowed and increased the floor space allocated to gambling. In 2016, Singapore Pools and the Turf Club were allowed to operate online gambling services, including sports betting. This remains a concern as, according to the NCPG survey, 23% of gamblers who participated in sports betting reported poor self-control.

With this mind, I would like to sound a note of caution about any further expansion of the space for gambling in Singapore.

Social Gambling

Social gambling is not disallowed by current legislation. This Bill explicitly legalises social gambling in Singapore.

On the one hand, the Government has said in the past that the law can and should reflect social norms and attitudes. As a matter of logical consistency, then, should the Government not be cautious about making social gambling explicitly legal, so as to avoid being seen to be issuing an official stamp of approval to gambling?

On the other hand, as a practical matter, since social gambling has never been illegal, what is the concrete policy gain in providing this inadvertent signal of acceptability? 

I would therefore like to understand the Government’s reasons for explicitly legalising social gambling.

Gambling Among Minors

The Bill also does not proscribe social gambling by minors. May I ask the Minister of State why there will be no restrictions on minors engaging in social gambling? I hope this does not mean that the Government condones gambling by minors.

How does the Government intend to communicate to children, adolescents and their parents that it discourages gambling by minors? 

I am also concerned about how explicitly permitting gambling for children could provide a gateway to more problem gambling habits later in their lives.

Current policy to prevent gambling by minors is inconsistent. While the minimum age is set at 18 for certain types of gambling such as 4D, TOTO or placing horse racing bets, it is set at 21 for casino gambling. 

In recent years, the Government has raised the minimum smoking age from 18 to 21 so as to denormalise the use of cigarettes amongst adolescent youths, especially since most cultivate the habit between the ages of 18 and 21.

The NCPG survey similarly found that 35% of Singapore residents had their first gambling experience between the ages of 18 and 24 — the highest amongst all age groups. With this evidence in mind, can MHA consider taking the same approach as with smoking, and harmonise the minimum gambling age to 21 all across the board? This could ameliorate its pernicious effects of gambling on not just young people but also on their families and society.

Loot Boxes

I would now like to discuss a particularly challenging issue with respect to combating gambling by minors — loot boxes. Loot boxes are virtual items within games that can be purchased and redeemed to receive another random, desirable virtual item. Gaming companies have been pushing loot boxes in their games — especially in mobile games — leading to increased gaming spending and debt.

Many consumers of loot boxes are children. Research from the United Kingdom has found that of the 93% of children who play video games, 25 to 40% have made loot box purchases. Other research has found — consistently and unambiguously — a link between loot boxes and problem gambling.

This being so, I would like to ask the Minister of State as to how the GC Bill intends to regulate loot boxes in online games. Clause 9 of the GC Bill defines a lottery as a scheme to distribute prizes based on luck — and prizes here refer to money or money equivalent or any “thing of value”. Can I ask the Minister whether the GC Bill considers such virtual rewards to be “things of value” even when they cannot be monetised, such that operating any loot box system would be considered operating a lottery? If so, what will the regulatory regime for online game operators be like?

Several other countries have already sought to regulate or restrict loot boxes in online games. Belgium’s Gaming Commission has declared loot boxes to be gambling and hence illegal. The Netherlands Gaming Authority issued a legal opinion that some loot box systems contravened the Dutch Betting and Gambling Act, hence requiring the relevant game developers to change their mechanics, or face fines or even game prohibition. 

In Asia, China has imposed daily limits on the number of purchased loot boxes that a player can open, while Japan has banned “complete gacha”, which is a system that offers rare prizes to players who successfully obtain a complete set of items through random draws. 

Of course, game developers can and do find ways to circumvent these restrictions, but this is no reason to do nothing. The Government will just have to ensure regulation is sufficiently nimble to keep up with technology.

Education

I have spoken of law and policy thus far — but no amount of regulations and restrictions will be able to completely eliminate gambling activities in Singapore. In fact, one argument against prohibition is that it might drive gambling activities underground. We therefore need active educational efforts to discourage gambling among our population. With the introduction of the GC Bill, will there be greater educational efforts to discourage Singaporeans, particularly young people, from participating in gambling activities and delaying their first gambling experience?

I am glad to know that schools have, since 2021, been trying to teach students about the ills of loot boxes. I would urge MOE to continue to assess the efficacy of such programmes. Have such educational efforts been found to genuinely reduce loot box use amongst youth, and if not, how can such outreach be improved?

Conclusion

I understand that many Singaporeans gamble on occasion. However, the risk of problem and pathological gambling, and its often-accompanying financial ruin, is very real. On balance, the job of public policy in the area of gambling is to maintain moderation – to allow responsible adults to take part in this activity, but not so much that they ruin themselves, and to discourage impressionable children from taking up the habit in the first place. 

In summary, I would like to call on the Government to reassess its position on social gambling and to take a strong hand against gambling by children, especially in the area of loot boxes. We should complement policy levers with better education against gambling. More generally, I call on Parliament to take a stronger stance against gambling.

I hope the Minister of State will be able to address the concerns I have raised on the Bills. Notwithstanding these concerns, I support the Bills.

Community Dispute Management Framework

I would like to seek the Minister’s update on the review of the Community Dispute Management Framework, which commenced before last year’s COS. 

Can the Minister share who the members of the inter-agency committee conducting this review are, and when the review will be completed? 

How many mediators does the Community Mediation Centre (CMC) currently have and is this sufficient to manage their workload?

I have met residents who have a vexing dispute with their neighbours but are unwilling to let me refer them for mediation, because they know their neighbour will not turn up for the session. Of the average of 735 cases per year registered at the CMC, 70% did not progress to mediation, mainly because one or both parties declined or did not respond to the invitation to mediate.

To improve the take up rate of mediation, could the Ministry consider these suggestions:

First, once the CMC assesses a case to be suitable for mediation, can the attendance of both parties be made compulsory? 

Second, if the dispute eventually goes to the Community Disputes Resolution Tribunal (CDRT), can the Tribunal be allowed to draw an adverse inference from their non-attendance? This potential penalty should be made clear to respondents when the invitation to CMC is served.

Next, I have received feedback from residents about the difficulty they face in filing CDRT evidence. For example, they need to save their audio or video recordings on a CD-ROM or DVD. Most people nowadays don’t have a CD-ROM burner in their home. 

Can the CDRT update its processes to allow evidence to be uploaded on a web portal instead and to make the whole process more user friendly for the layman?


My final “cut” for the Committee of Supply debate for the Ministry of Culture, Community and Youth, on 10 Mar 2022.

Adult disability care

Many residents with moderate to severe disabilities require care provided for by adult disability care facilities like Day Activity Centres, Adult Disability Homes, Adult Disability Hostels and Sheltered Workshops. 

May I ask the Minister what is the current utilisation rate among each of these facilities and what are their staff-client ratios? How many individuals are on the waiting list for these centres currently?

Based on publicly available information, I understand the waiting times, depending on centres, can vary from three months to two years.

If there is insufficient capacity and inadequate staffing at these facilities, this can create a cliff effect for those with special needs. They would have been receiving care from special education (SPED) schools but have difficulty finding the same level of support after leaving school. As a result, their ageing parents often have to bear the full weight of caregiving, and many worry about how their children will be cared for after they pass on.

I would like to call for MSF to enhance its funding and support for adult disability care facilities to be at least on par with what SPED schools receive. 

Such funding can help expand the capacity of care facilities and reduce their long waitlists. It can also go towards hiring and retaining more good staff, including Singaporeans, with better pay and working conditions. 

All this will enable the centres to conduct more meaningful and effective engagement and training activities for their clients, and lighten the worries of their caregivers.

Besides improving the welfare of their clients, it will also give caregivers much-needed respite and allow them to be economically active if they choose to. This will produce both tangible and intangible returns for families, our society and our economy.


This was my “cut” during the Ministry of Social and Family Development’s Committee of Supply debate on 9 Mar 2022.

Bus services rationalisation

The Public Transport Council’s latest annual customer satisfaction survey found that satisfaction with public transport services has fallen to its lowest level in six years. The survey showed that discontent with public bus services was a factor, with many commuters notably expressing dissatisfaction with bus waiting times.

These sentiments are similarly expressed by many of my residents living along Bedok Reservoir Road, where four bus services were cut or rerouted last December. This has resulted in my residents having to put up with longer waiting times, crowded buses and losing direct routes to their destinations.

Before removing or rerouting bus services, LTA should conduct public consultations with affected residents. If bus services are being rationalised due to low ridership, I would like to suggest that LTA first consider switching to smaller buses or extending their headways.

If bus services must be removed, the frequency of the remaining feeder services to bus interchanges or MRT stations should be increased to make up for them. Commuters should not have to wait more than 5 minutes during peak hours or 10 minutes during off-peak hours for feeder buses.

LTA should strive to retain trunk bus services. These serve many elderly and disabled residents who have trouble walking between bus stops or transferring from bus to MRT. Many of them do not mind longer bus rides if that allows them to walk less.

While LTA and the public transport operators strive towards efficiency, they must pay closer attention to the comfort and convenience of commuters. LTA should proactively monitor public feedback and be open to bringing back bus services if there is strong commuter demand.


This was my speech during the Committee of Supply debate for the Ministry of Transport, 8 Mar 2022.

Bird population control

My residents in Bedok Reservoir and Hougang have given me feedback on the nuisance caused by pigeons, crows, mynahs and even koels around their housing estates. The proliferation of the bird population is often a public hygiene, and in the case of crows, a safety issue, which worries residents.

The Aljunied-Hougang Town Council (AHTC) has been doing its part to combat this problem. AHTC puts up banners to caution residents against bird feeding and works with residents to identify and report feeders. It advises food stall operators on proper food waste disposal methods, and our conservancy workers regularly remove unattended food sources. The Town Council also conducts regular tree pruning and, as a last resort, pigeon culling. 

Despite all these efforts, the bird nuisance problem has persisted. NParks occasionally sets up crow traps, but these are rather ineffective as crows are intelligent creatures and tend not to fall for these traps.

I believe this problem is not unique to Aljunied-Hougang town. A national level effort by MND and its agencies may be needed to combat it. This may include more public education to discourage bird feeding, setting up CCTV monitoring and stepping up enforcement actions against bird feeders. 

It would be helpful if NParks could regularly share with Town Councils its research and recommendations on best practices for controlling the population of various bird species. It could step up efforts to trap and relocate birds in areas where they are causing a nuisance to the public.

Together with the efforts of Town Councils, MND’s stepped up involvement could help residents and our avian friends to co-exist more peacefully in our urban environment.


Speech in Parliament during the Committee of Supply debate for the Ministry of National Development on 8 Mar 2022.

Town improvement costs

Construction costs have skyrocketed since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic. The price of materials has shot up, wages have increased and the cost of bringing in foreign workers is also elevated. The construction industry’s confidence has been shaken of late, resulting in shorter payment terms and demands for higher upfront payments.

Against this backdrop, it is not surprising that recent bid prices for town improvement projects, like the Neighbourhood Renewal Programme (NRP), are up to 50% higher than pre-tender estimates. Yet HDB’s grants to town councils have not kept up with these price increases.

Some may suggest that town councils’ existing funds can be used to cover the cost increases. However, doing so will be unfair to the majority of residents, as each project mainly benefits residents living in a particular precinct. It is also unfair for residents in those precincts if the new projects are pared down to meet the original budget.

I have three suggestions. 

First, can HDB temporarily increase its NRP grants to town councils to cover these short-term cost increases?

Second, can HDB provide contractors and subcontractors for town improvement projects some price protection for raw materials like steel and concrete, similar to that of HDB’s BTO projects. This will better ensure residents receive comparable amenities regardless of market conditions at the time of tendering.

Third, can the Ministry explore more measures to restore confidence among construction firms so as to ameliorate the need for onerous upfront payment terms. This could help to temper price increases across the industry.


This is a “cut” I made for the Ministry of National Development’s Committee of Supply debate on 8 Mar 2022.

Interim rental housing

There are many residents who have approached me to request assistance in appealing to HDB for subsidised rental housing. Some have to sell their flats after a divorce or they have to move out of their current homes due to family issues. Most cannot afford to buy flats and face being homeless. The Minister said previously that “the overall stock of rental flats is sufficient to meet demand”. Unfortunately, problems remain.

First, some residents exceed the Public Rental Scheme income threshold but do not earn enough to afford rent in the open market. Others may be single unwed parents who do not qualify for the Parenthood Provisional Housing Scheme.

Second, applicants who qualify for public rental housing may still have to wait for between three to eight months before they can collect their keys. Many need a place to stay urgently as they don’t have family or friends who can take them in.

Could the Minister share, since 2020, the number of applications HDB received for rental flats under the Public Rental Scheme, the Interim Rental Housing Scheme and the Parenthood Provisional Housing Scheme? How many approvals were granted under each scheme and what were the main reasons for approvals or rejections under each scheme?

I urge the HDB to increase the number of flats supplied under the Interim Rental Housing scheme. The HDB could offer tiered rental rates that are higher than Public Rental Scheme rates but lower than open market prices. This will help the many families and individuals that fail the strict means test of the current rental schemes but are not earning enough to rent in the open market, yet need housing urgently to avoid being left homeless.


This is a “cut” I delivered during the Committee of Supply debate for the Ministry of National Development, on 8 Mar 2022.

Special needs education

Parents of children with special needs face a complex dilemma when making educational choices for their children.

A wide range of services is available at various price points, but parents are largely left on their own to identify the optimal ones. Could ECDA provide more one-stop advisory services for parents? This will help to ease the anxiety that many parents of special needs children feel.

For children who require medium to high levels of early intervention support, such services can be prohibitively expensive. While ECDA does provide subsidised support through the EIPIC programme, EIPIC centres have wait times ranging from three to 18 months and most provide a limited number of hours of intervention a week. This requires parents to turn to additional services that can cost thousands more every month. 

Can ECDA work with EIPIC providers to increase the capacity and range of services provided so that children can receive all the early intervention support they require from the same centre? A centralised provision of early intervention services will bring economies of scale, which can reduce costs for parents.

Children who require lower levels of early intervention support can attend mainstream primary schools, but may still require supplementary support services like occupational therapy. Can MOE provide an integrated special needs support programme at mainstream schools? This will enable children with special needs to thrive in such environments and reduce the costs and inconvenience borne by parents for external support services?


I delivered this speech in Parliament during the Committee of Supply debate on the budget of the Ministry of Education, on 7 Mar 2022.

Medical leave for contract workers

Over the years, the length of service an employee must serve before qualifying for paid sick leave has been reviewed in Parliament. In 2008, the minimum qualifying period was reduced from six to three months, with the entitlement adjusted on a prorated basis. This was in response to an increase in short-term employment contracts.

Since these legislative amendments, short-term employment contracts have become even more commonplace. In 2021, 8.4% of the workforce was on fixed-term contracts, up from 7.7% in 2009. The percentage of workers on contracts of less than one year has also seen an upward trend.

Many workers find themselves transferred to new employers without even changing their jobs! This happens when their previous employer loses a cleaning or building maintenance contract, and they are transferred to the new contractor. When this happens, they are treated as new employees, requiring them to forgo paid sick leave for the first three months of the new contract.

I wish to propose that the legislation be amended to allow workers who complete one month of service to be entitled to two days of paid sick leave and eight days of hospitalisation leave. This could increase to four days and 10 days respectively after the completion of two months of service.

Concurrently, to protect the interest of employers, tax reliefs and public recognition could be extended to employers who implement these more progressive paid sick leave arrangements.

This also complements the Government’s stance of encouraging workers to isolate themselves and seek medical attention if they feel unwell.


I delivered this speech in Parliament on 4 Mar 2022 during the Committee of Supply debate on the budget of the Ministry of Manpower.

Use of CPF funds for housing

Many residents have approached me for help to appeal to CPF to allow more flexible use of their CPF for housing. 

Some elderly residents have insufficient cash to complete the purchase of their 2-room Flexi Flats, because their CPF Ordinary Account (OA) monies were automatically transferred to their Retirement Account (RA) upon turning 55. As home loans are not available for Flexi Flats, the purchase of a $100,000 flat is often a strain on their cash flow.

Can I request that CPF RA funds which originated from their OA be allowed to be used for the purchase of 2-room Flexi Flats by default as long as the CPF member’s RA balance is above their Basic Retirement Sum (BRS)? 

There should be a simple and clearly stated application process for this. For those whose RA funds fall below their BRS, I hope CPF can exercise greater flexibility so that elderly residents are not denied a Flexi Flat despite large balances in their CPF funds.

For the payment of the resale levy, can CPF consider allowing applicants who have sufficient funds in their RA or Special Account (SA) to take out an advance from one of these accounts, which must be returned, with interest, within a few years? The applicant could be required to show income documents to prove they are able to return the amount drawn. 

This could smoothen the cash flow problem that might be preventing them from completing the purchase of their home, while ensuring they do not prematurely exhaust their retirement funds. It will help not just elderly flat buyers, but also divorcees who have to sell their matrimonial flat and have only half the proceeds to buy a new flat.


I made this speech in Parliament on 4 Mar 2022 during the Committee of Supply debate on the Ministry of Manpower.