MOE: Foundation subjects in primary school

Committee of Supply debate, 3 March 2021.

Foundation level subjects

In primary school, students may take a combination of Standard and Foundation Level subjects based on their strengths and choices. 

However, many students and parents may not be aware that, for the purpose of Secondary 1 posting, even a perfect score at the Foundation Level maps to a Standard Level Achievement Level (AL) of only AL 6. In contrast, students taking Standard Level subjects can achieve AL 5 if they score just 65%. A higher AL translates to a poorer PSLE score.

If parents opt for their child to take a Foundation Level subject after P4, it will be an uphill climb to get back to Standard Level in P6.

Poor grades in school are seldom a full reflection of the student’s abilities. The quality of instruction they receive and their home environment make a big difference. Some students simply need more encouragement and guidance to do better academically.

What are the objective and subjective criteria that schools use to determine the student’s Subject Level combinations?

How are parents, including those who may be less educated, made fully aware of the impact that taking Foundation Level subjects will have on their children’s PSLE scores?

How do schools ensure that late-bloomers have a fair chance of taking Standard Level subjects at the PSLE, despite their poor exam performance in P4 and P5?

MND: Temporary development levy

Committee of Supply debate, 4 March 2021.

Temporary development levy

The Temporary Development Levy (TDL) is a tax payable when permission is granted for a temporary enhancement of land value. The TDL can amount to tens of thousands of dollars payable by a small business every year, and can form a significant proportion of their business costs.

Tenancy agreements seldom specify who is responsible for paying the TDL, and tenants are often in a weaker bargaining position vis-à-vis their landlords when the TDL is levied. Often, the tenant is unaware of the TDL until they receive the bill, and would not have factored this into their business expenses. It can be inequitable if the tenant bears the full TDL, because the landlord also benefits from the enhancement of land value by being able to charge a higher rent to the tenant.

Could URA require that all change of use applications include an undertaking from the applicant that the TDL had been discussed between landlord and tenant?

Second, for some industries, URA grants Temporary Permission (TP) for only one year at a time. This can result in widely fluctuating TDL payable every year, making business planning difficult.

Can URA provide businesses more certainty by giving them a choice of TP of between three and five years, to better align with typical commercial tenancy agreements? This will allow tenants to negotiate equitable rental contracts with their landlords and make other business plans.

Lastly, some businesses have lamented to me that their TDL far exceeds their business revenue, especially during the pandemic. If businesses are unable to pay the TDL, they might have to close down, leading to losses for themselves, their landlords and their employees. The Government will also lose out on tax revenue. 

Can URA consider giving such businesses rebates or deferments of their TDL?

MOM: Progressive wage model

Committee of Supply debate, 2 March 2021.

Progressive wage model

The progressive wage model (PWM) currently covers three industry sectors: cleaning, security and landscaping. It will cover the lift and escalator maintenance sector by 2022 and there are now discussions to implement PWM in six more sectors.

Based on MOM labour force data, apart from the aforementioned sectors, there are still more than 80,000 Singapore citizens and permanent residents aged 15 years and over working in other sectors, earning a gross income of less than $1,000 per month. These include 27,300 in transportation and storage, 10,900 in public administration and education, 8,000 in manufacturing, and 7,400 in health and social services. If we include those earning less than $1,500 per month, the numbers more than double.

Can the Minister share whether MOM has plans to roll out PWM to these sectors and, if so, what are the broad timelines for doing so?

The NTUC wants to look at a vocational PWM for lower-wage occupations like clerks, general machine operators and electricians. How does MOM plan to implement PWM for these vocations given they cut across multiple sectors? What levers will MOM use to impose wage, training and career progression requirements, in the absence of licensing conditions?

Finally, DPM Heng said that the Government’s aspiration is for every sector of the economy to have some form of progressive wages. Moving forward, how will the Government roll out the PWM differently, so that it can be implemented at a quicker pace and made universal? Which processes and requirements will be streamlined or removed, to ensure a faster rollout?

MOE: University cohort participation rate

Committee of Supply debate, 3 March 2021.

University cohort participation rate

Every year, around 9,000 students graduate from private education institutions offering degree courses in Singapore, while thousands more study in universities overseas. Apart from the few who obtain scholarships, most of these students have to pay full tuition fees for their studies.

This can cost them between $8,000 and $30,000 a year at local private education institutions — which vary considerably in instructional quality and resources — and an average of $33,000 annually in overseas universities. These are enormous financial commitments for them and their parents.

In contrast, their peers in local autonomous universities (AUs) spend around $8,200 annually for a non-medical degree after benefiting from tuition grants.

Many polytechnic graduates feel the pressure to get a degree because of better job and salary prospects as they compete in a globalised job marketplace, even in Singapore.

The cohort participation rate in local autonomous universities last year was 42%. Can our AUs continue to open up more places, raising the target cohort participation rate to 50%? This will allow more deserving Singaporeans who want to attend the AUs to tap on the Tuition Grant Scheme and benefit from the high quality of education offered by our AUs.

MinLaw: Resolving neighbour disputes

Ministry of Law Committee of Supply debate, 2 March 2021

Resolving neighbour disputes

Neighbour disputes are some of the most thorny issues in public housing estates. 

Residents often contact the Police, HDB, town councils or their MPs to seek assistance. Avenues like the Community Mediation Centre (CMC) and Community Disputes Resolution Tribunal (CDRT) are available, but many residents seem less keen on using them because of administrative hurdles and perceived ineffectiveness.

Can there be a more streamlined, efficient and effective process available to residents at the first instance?

The CMC could be that avenue, but it first needs to be given more resources and teeth.

First, when a resident chooses to lodge an application for mediation, the CMC should mandate that both parties be present at the mediation; it should not be voluntary.

Second, the CMC should be staffed with full-time, professional mediators to mediate cases. This can also help to boost their authority in the eyes of the disputing parties.

Third, agreements must be binding on all parties. If violated, the complainant should be able to use it to file a case with the CDRT for a fast-tracked application for an injunction.

And fourth, the Government should publicise the CMC more, so residents know that they can contact the CMC, before they call the Police or HDB to settle their disputes.

I believe if these proposals can be implemented, the CMC will provide a more streamlined avenue for residents to seek a resolution to their disputes, and relieve the burden of mediating neighbour disputes on agencies like the Police.

MTI: Helping SMEs attract local talent

Committee of Supply debate, 2 March 2021.

Helping SMEs attract local talent

SMEs face many challenges in attracting and retaining local talent. There is sometimes a bias against working for SMEs in favour of MNCs, GLCs and the Civil Service. Many SMEs try their best to attract local talent, for example by offering competitive salaries, but with mixed results.

We need to help our SMEs attract more local talent if we are to nurture globally competitive home-grown firms. I propose three ways to help them achieve this.

First, in both the classroom and at home, teachers and parents could encourage our young people to broaden their career aspirations and widen their definition of success. Not every child needs to aspire to be a doctor, lawyer, banker or government scholar. Many SMEs provide incredible opportunities to learn different skills and take on multiple roles.

Second, there needs to be a rebranding of SMEs as employers of choice. We have many local enterprises made good. We could do more to profile SMEs both in the media and also as business case studies within classrooms.

Third, Enterprise Singapore could assist more SME managers to adopt modern management practices. They could be provided easier access to certified executive coaches, who can provide one-to-one guidance on improving their management approaches. 

I believe all this could help our local SMEs become more attractive workplaces for Singaporeans to work in, and enlarge SMEs’ talent pool.


I delivered this “cut” during the Committee of Supply debate in Parliament on 2 March 2021.

MHA: PR for foreign spouses and children

This is a “cut” I delivered during the Committee of Supply debate on the Ministry of Home Affairs’ budget on 1 March 2021.

PR for foreign spouses and children

Around one in three marriages in Singapore is between a Singaporean and a non-Singaporean. Currently foreigners married to Singaporeans can apply for a Long-Term Visit Pass (LTVP) or LTVP+. LTVP+ provides access to additional benefits like subsidised healthcare and permission to work. However, LTVP+ is not the same as permanent residency (PR) in terms of benefits.

PR is much more difficult to obtain. Of the many Singaporeans I meet at my Meet-the-People Sessions who are appealing for their foreign spouses’ PR applications, the overwhelming majority of them are from lower income groups, with spouses from countries like China, Vietnam or Indonesia.

Are economic considerations and educational qualifications given more weight than family ties in determining PR application outcomes? If so, this would disadvantage the low-income.

May I suggest that for PR applicants who have a Singaporean spouse, child or parent, family ties should be the primary consideration for approval of their PR. Their close kinship with Singaporeans makes them part of the Singapore Core and we as a society should try to integrate them into our fold.

MFA: Building a broader base of international support

I delivered this “cut” in Parliament during the Committee of Supply debate on 1 March 2021.

Building a broader base of international support

A cornerstone of Singapore’s foreign policy is defending our interests at multilateral organisations such as the International Civil Aviation Organisation and the International Maritime Organisation. Singapore has won a seat on the Councils of both organisations. Last year, we achieved another milestone in having a Singaporean, Mr Daren Tang, elected as Secretary-General of the World Intellectual Property Organisation.

Towards securing our candidatures, we need to depend on the support of more than just our major and regional partners. Singapore also has to engage countries in Africa, Latin America, the Caribbean, and the Pacific Islands. However, engaging these countries is a mammoth task. In MFA, there are about eight desk officers who cover over a hundred countries in these regions, and only three resident embassies in these regions. Inevitably, we sacrifice depth of knowledge for width of engagement. 

Can I ask the Minister: Are the current resources sufficient, given increased competition from other countries?

Second, is MFA receiving enough support from other government agencies? While it is understandable that domestic issues are prioritised over hosting foreign visitors, sharing expertise and offering technical assistance, the latter set of actions are a key aspect of our engagement and our larger foreign policy goals. 

I am glad that the Singapore Cooperation Programme (SCP) has moved some courses online. The SCP is a useful tool in building goodwill for Singapore, and it is vital that its effectiveness is maintained despite COVID-19.

The ongoing pandemic has reduced the number of opportunities for direct high-level physical contacts with these countries. Has MFA been able to maintain or step up such contacts through virtual meetings?

MINDEF: Care for Soldiers

Care for Soldiers

Singapore’s defence strategy is dependent largely on the contributions of our National Servicemen. It is important that, should our soldiers suffer injuries in the course of their service to the nation, they will be fairly compensated. This will give them the assurance to give their best during training and operations.

I have a few questions for the Minister about MINDEF’s insurance and compensation schemes.

First, does the current $150,000 Group Term Life and Group Personal Accident insurance cover operationally-ready NSmen? NSmen may only be serving for up to 40 days a year, but they often participate in dangerous military exercises during that short stint.

Second, how was this amount for the insurance coverage derived and is there room to increase it to provide better coverage in the event of death or total permanent disability of the serviceman?

Third, what are the factors considered for the lump sum disability compensation, in the case of permanent disability?

And lastly, if a serviceman suffers a service injury in the course of actual combat operations, is the quantum of payouts the same as for training injuries?

A living wage for all workers

My speech in Parliament during the debate on the 2021 Budget Statement on 25 Feb 2021.

In line with the theme of the Budget Statement, I would like to examine four areas in which we can work together towards emerging in a stronger condition than we were in before the start of the Covid-19 pandemic.

Redirecting our competitive spirits

First, I wish to address how we view and approach competition. Competition is a ubiquitous aspect of life in Singapore. In school, our children compete for grades, awards and places in top schools. Even in co-curricular activities, they compete for a spot in the school team to improve their chances of entering secondary school via the Direct School Admission scheme. We even grew a billion-dollar industry in the form of tuition centres, which have fuelled the competitive dynamic that is part of our education system.

Keen competition continues after finishing school. Employees compete with each other for raises and promotions, while enterprises engage in the survival of the fittest.

Competition in itself is not bad. It can draw out the best in each person and each firm. However, when competition starts taking on a negative edge, we need to re-examine our priorities. As we are told time and again, Singapore is a small and vulnerable country which needs to stay relevant and competitive. Therefore, we must ensure that our competitive spirits are directed towards the right targets, and adopt a more cooperative mindset with our fellow Singaporeans.

For example, Singaporeans at the workplace could orient themselves more towards looking out for each other and helping each other succeed. This is how professionals and workers from other countries instinctively operate, even when they are working here. We should not see our fellow workers as competition for promotions, but as partners we can cooperate with to improve the products and services of our companies, thereby improving the company’s earnings and contributing to our bonuses.

Government-linked companies (GLCs) could look at more ways to collaborate with SMEs in ventures overseas and form local consortiums with them, thus increasing Singapore’s competitive edge.

Middle income squeeze

Mr Speaker, the pandemic support measures have helped many low income families. However, we must not forget the plight of the middle income, who make up a growing proportion of our population. Middle income families often find themselves squeezed from both ends—their incomes render them ineligible for many government benefits, yet they still have to cope with high costs like their home mortgage, children’s education and aged parents’ medical fees. The increase in petrol duties adds to this squeeze, and so will the future hike in GST. All this leaves them with little buffer against the vicissitudes of life. An unexpected shock like a family medical emergency can throw them into financial distress.

We need to provide more help to this group. To be clear, I am not calling for universal handouts. Assistance should still be targeted, but I hope to see more flexibility when it comes to assessing the eligibility of applicants for schemes like the Covid-19 Recovery Grant. Individuals who narrowly miss the eligibility requirements or have circumstances that deserve special consideration should not be denied assistance. Such flexibility should be exercised at the first instance based on their merits. Government agencies should not wait for these individuals to pluck up the courage to send in appeals before they can get the help they need.

Essential jobs

The Covid-19 pandemic has forced us all to re-examine what constitutes an essential job. Some supposedly higher skilled jobs have turned out to be less critical than their lower skilled counterparts. This was amply demonstrated during the just-concluded Australian Open tennis tournament, which was held in Melbourne under the shadow of the pandemic. To minimise the spread of the virus, all human line judges were replaced with Hawk-Eye, an electronic line judging system. Umpires are still featured, but their role seems to be relegated to calling the score, not adjudicating line disputes. It remains to be seen when they too will be made redundant.

On the bright side, ball kids face far better prospects, since it is harder to build a robot which can run, retrieve and throw balls on cue. Naturally, to gear up my kids to be future-ready, I signed them up to be ball kids at the ATP 250 Singapore Tennis Open, which is taking place this week at the Sports Hub. This tournament also uses electronic line judges.

Automation is by no means limited to the tennis court. Many other highly skilled jobs are either being taken over by machines or offshored to lower cost locations. According to the OECD, 14% of jobs in rich countries are highly automatable, while a further 32% are likely to change because many of their routine tasks can be automated. Robo-advisors are giving active fund managers a run for their money; X-rays can be read by radiologists in India; and mobile app development can be outsourced to developers in Vietnam or Romania.

The pandemic has also shown us that many so-called “3D jobs”—dirty, dangerous or difficult—have turned out to be more essential than some white collar jobs. We need to accord sufficient recognition to workers manning these positions. I am glad that nurses and healthcare workers are getting a much-deserved raise. But let us not forget our repairman, refuse collectors and delivery drivers. These everyday heroes kept our country running when we were all locked down at home.

With the restrictions in supply of foreign workers and the reluctance of many locals to take up 3D jobs, the demand for workers in these occupations often exceeds their supply. Based on the law of supply and demand, these workers’ wages should naturally rise to reach a higher equilibrium price. In practice, however, many of their wages still remain painfully low. This is in part because of the structure of our industries and in part because our society does not esteem them highly enough. This is a market failure. The State needs to intervene to ensure that these workers’ earnings increase to match the value they bring to society. 

A living wage for all workers

In 2012, the Government introduced the Progressive Wage Model (PWM) to raise the pay of low-wage workers. Today, almost a decade later, the PWM still covers only 15% of workers in the lowest quintile of income earners, and only from three industry sectors—security, cleaning and landscaping. According to MOM, there are a residual 100,000 workers in other sectors who still earn less than $1,300 a month. The NTUC has announced plans to roll out the PWM to six more sectors. It is yet unclear when all three 100,000 workers will be covered.

The Deputy Prime Minister said in his budget statement that the Government’s aspiration is for every sector of the economy to have some form of progressive wages, echoing the NTUC’s call for a universal PWM. Senior Minister Tharman Shanmugaratnam has termed the PWM a “minimum wage plus”. 

It is not my objective today to debate the merits or demerits of the PWM vis-à-vis the national minimum wage. I think the parties have stated their position on this issue. The WP has called for a national minimum wage, first set at $1,300 in take-home pay per month, and the Government and NTUC have explained why they have chosen the path of the PWM, while pointing out that they are not ideologically opposed to a minimum wage. 

I accept that the Government is heavily invested in the PWM, and so my goal today is to discuss how the PWM framework can be improved so that we achieve our common goal. 

Whether Singapore adopts the PWM, a universal PWM, a national minimum wage or minimum wage plus, I believe the common goal of everyone in this House is the same: To raise the wages of all our low wage workers and ensure they earn a living wage that can support their families, in what is one of the most expensive cities in the world.

A household budgets study by researchers from NTU and NUS in 2019 found that to meet basic standards of living in Singapore, a single elderly household needs $1,379 per month while an elderly couple needs $2,351 per month. According to MTI, the average household expenditure for basic needs (or AHEBN) for a four-person household was estimated to be about $1,300 a month in 2017. AHEBN is an estimate of the average that households spend on essential needs such as food, clothing and shelter every month. This is how the WP derived our figure for a national minimum wage, which will rise with the AHEBN.

However, the PWM’s goals are not limited to setting a basic minimum wage—something which the Government has emphasised is the very reason why it favours the PWM over a national minimum wage. The PWM also seeks to chart out skills ladders and career progression for workers. 

NTUC deputy secretary-general Koh Poh Koon shared plans to roll out PWM to six more sectors in the next two to three years. These sectors include strata management and solar technology, both of which do not typically employ low-wage workers. I find this rather puzzling. Why are we venturing into PWM for these industries when there are still so many more low wage workers who lack a basic wage floor to protect them?

The basic principle of the PWM is that higher wages must be the result of improvements in productivity, not government fiat. Higher productivity can be achieved by upgrading workers’ skills through training. With a better-skilled and more productive workforce, firms will be able to pay their workers better, while still remaining profitable. This sounds great in theory, but is less straightforward in practice. 

First, the training element of the PWM may be well-intentioned, but training can improve productivity only to a limit. In many low wage occupations, there is a skills ceiling due to the manual nature of the work. How many more HDB blocks can a conservancy worker sweep if we send him for more training? After completing basic training, further training will reap diminishing returns. Worse, it could cost the firms money and lost work hours, with marginal or no improvements to productivity. Even if the Government subsidises much of the training and absentee payroll, it does not mean training is free, because it is still borne by taxpayers.

Second, providing pathways for career progression for our low wage workers is also a worthy goal to strive for. However, it has limited utility for many low wage workers. How many elderly cleaners are striving to be promoted to be supervisors, where they will have to manage a team and churn out monthly reports for management? For most of them, their priority is first and foremost to earn enough to provide for their families.

And third, the PWM is designed to be rolled out to specific industries through licensing conditions set by the respective lead sector agencies—NEA for the cleaning sector, PLRD for security agencies and NParks for the landscaping industry. These lead sector agencies require that firms implement the PWM before they are issued an operating license. If an industry does not currently have any licensing conditions, the relevant lead sector agency will need to introduce a licensing requirement before implementing the PWM. This will be the case for the proposed rollout of PWM to the retail sector, which currently has no licensing requirements. This two-step process will be cumbersome for both the government agencies and the firms involved. It would surely introduce more red tape and dent productivity, leading to more overheads to firms, which may cost them far more than just a wage hike to meet a basic minimum wage. I’m glad that the NTUC is looking at a vocational PWM, and I look forward to more details of how this will be implemented.

Someone on Reddit once remarked that the PWM is like a Rube Goldberg machine which tries to solve too many things at once, without solving anything well. This may be a rather harsh critique of the PWM and I know there are many officials who are working very hard to make the PWM work. However, I believe there needs to be a fundamental re-ordering of the PWM framework so that it can be rolled out faster, for the benefit of more of our low wage workers.

The current pace of rollout of the PWM is much too slow. At this rate, it will be another decade or more before all low wage workers are on the PWM. What’s more, we have to-date only picked the low-hanging fruit. It will be far harder to roll out the PWM, particularly in its current form, to the remaining industries and occupations. 

I believe it will be less bureaucratically complex and more efficient to first set a basic wage floor for specific industry sectors, and expand the list of sectors quickly so that we can eventually cover all local workers. The other aspects of PWM like training requirements and career progression ladders can still be brought in, but later.

Given the urgency of the problem that remains to be addressed—100,000 employed and self-employed workers earning less than $1,300 a month—we need to pick our battles more carefully and focus on what will move the needle the most and the quickest for our low wage workers. Since the PWM is a “minimum wage plus”, we should focus on implementing the “minimum wage” portion of the PWM across all industry sectors as soon as possible, then roll out the “plus” portion only later where practical.

I acknowledge that the pandemic period is not a good time to impose wage increases across a large swath of industries. To ease the transition for all employers, the Workfare Income Supplement can be used to temporarily top up wages to the minimum wage, and this can be eased off as the economy recovers, with employers taking over. Dr Koh Poh Koon said yesterday that the Wage Credit Scheme (WCS) could be used for this same purpose. 

Mr Speaker, rolling out a basic wage floor more widely and quickly will not only improve the welfare of thousands of our lowest paid compatriots and their families, it can also have positive effects on our economic recovery. The lower income have a higher marginal propensity to spend because they need to meet their basic needs, so putting more cash in their hands will have a multiplier effect on our GDP growth. Higher wages for these occupations will encourage more people to enter the workforce and ease the labour crunch in many essential industries. Those already in the workforce will be more motivated at work, resulting in improved personal productivity, and lower turnover and retraining costs for companies. It will be a win-win-win for workers, employers and our economy.

Changing paradigms

Mr Speaker, our people have demonstrated great resilience during this pandemic. However, in order to emerge stronger together from this economic downturn, we need to jettison some legacies that have lost their relevance in today’s world, and be willing to adopt new paradigms to bring our country forward.

Sir, I support the Motion.